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1999-12-31T00:01:00 | [] | Vladimir Putin: Dear friends, On New Year’s Eve, my family and I planned to gather round the TV, just as you probably did, to listen to the address by President Boris Yeltsin. But things took a different turn. On December 31, 1999, Russia’s first president decided to resign. He has asked me to address the Russian people today. The powers of the head of state have been turned over to me today. The presidential election will be held in three months. I assure you that there will be no vacuum of power, not for a minute. I promise you that any attempts to act contrary to the Russian law and constitution will be cut short. The state will stand firm to protect the freedom of speech, the freedom of conscience, the freedom of the mass media, ownership rights, these fundamental elements of a civilised society. The Armed Forces, the Federal Frontier Service, and law-enforcement agencies are working in the usual regime. The state continues to uphold the safety of every Russian citizen. When making his decision to stand down, the president acted in full compliance with the constitution. We will be able to see the true importance of what Boris Yeltsin has done for Russia only after some time has passed. However, it is clear already now that it was thanks to the President that Russia has opted for democracy and reform and is moving towards these goals, and has become a strong and independent state. I wish health and happiness to Boris Yeltsin, the first President of Russia. The New Year has always been the most cherished, the kindest and the most loved holiday in Russia. It is a holiday when dreams come true, and this is especially so this year. I believe that the good dreams we have will certainly come true. Dear friends, The new year will begin in a few seconds. Let us smile at our friends and relatives, and wish each other warmth, happiness and love. Let us drink to Russia in the new millennium, to love and peace in every home, to our parents’ and children’s health. Happy New Year, Happy New Millennium! | 22280 | The Kremlin, Moscow | New Year Address by Acting President Vladimir Putin | [] | Dear friends, On New Year’s Eve, my family and I planned to gather round the TV, just as you probably did, to listen to the address by President Boris Yeltsin. But things took a different turn. On December 31, 1999, Russia’s first president decided to resign. He has asked me to address the Russian people today. The powers of the head of state have been turned over to me today. The presidential election will be held in three months. I assure you that there will be no vacuum of power, not for a minute. I promise you that any attempts to act contrary to the Russian law and constitution will be cut short. The state will stand firm to protect the freedom of speech, the freedom of conscience, the freedom of the mass media, ownership rights, these fundamental elements of a civilised society. The Armed Forces, the Federal Frontier Service, and law-enforcement agencies are working in the usual regime. The state continues to uphold the safety of every Russian citizen. When making his decision to stand down, the president acted in full compliance with the constitution. We will be able to see the true importance of what Boris Yeltsin has done for Russia only after some time has passed. However, it is clear already now that it was thanks to the President that Russia has opted for democracy and reform and is moving towards these goals, and has become a strong and independent state. I wish health and happiness to Boris Yeltsin, the first President of Russia. The New Year has always been the most cherished, the kindest and the most loved holiday in Russia. It is a holiday when dreams come true, and this is especially so this year. I believe that the good dreams we have will certainly come true. Dear friends, The new year will begin in a few seconds. Let us smile at our friends and relatives, and wish each other warmth, happiness and love. Let us drink to Russia in the new millennium, to love and peace in every home, to our parents’ and children’s health. 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1999-12-31T00:02:00 | [] | Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon, distinguished colleagues. This will be a short meeting. I am asking you to continue working calmly and methodically, just as you were doing before. I would like to emphasise that there will be no changes in Russia’s foreign policy. The principles elaborated by the first president of Russia, the government and the Foreign Ministry will be respected. As before, Russia will try to develop relations with all countries on the basis of equality, mutual understanding, friendship and mutually beneficial cooperation. Russia will work for the development of a multi-polar world. We will continue developing the Armed Forces and will carry on with military reform, focusing on the improvement of weapons and the structure of the Armed Forces, as well as on social issues. In my opinion, that aspect has been neglected recently. No reform of the Armed Forces is complete if it does not address the social problems of the military. I want to tell the security-related services and departments that they should continue doing their job and carrying out their responsibility to ensure the operation of the top bodies of state authority and government. They have been doing well so far. Boris Yeltsin, who met with you in the morning, praised your work. I want you to maintain and even accelerate the pace you have gathered in the past few months. And lastly, this expanded meeting of the Security Council is being attended by the heads of all the main judicial agencies. I would like to welcome them on behalf of the Security Council and the Russian Government, and I hope that we will continue working jointly with the Constitutional Court to strengthen the Russian state, with the Supreme Court to strengthen law and order, and with the Arbitration Court to promote economic discipline. The acting prosecutor-general is also present here. Unfortunately, the post of prosecutor-general has not yet been filled, but the acting prosecutor-general seems to be doing a good job. Mr [Vladimir] Ustinov, I would like to ask the Prosecutor-General’s Office to strengthen control of all spheres of life in Russia, especially during the election period, so as to prevent problems and ensure that all candidates in the presidential campaign have the same opportunities. We should know – and it would be wrong not to mention this here – that blocs and parties will resume work to attain their political goals with renewed zeal. But these goals must be constitutional, and parties may only act within the framework of Russian legislation and the Constitution. Everything that is stipulated in the law, in the Constitution, must be strictly respected, especially civil and human rights. But we must not overlook the rights of state institutions and society as a whole either. Gennady Seleznyov [speaker of the Second State Duma] is also attending this meeting. We do not know what lies in store for the top leaders of the Third State Duma. We have said more than once that we have been doing a very good job and working constructively over the past few months. On behalf of all members of the Security Council, I want to express the hope that we will promote a constructive approach in our joint lawmaking efforts. We have quite a few problems and issues in that area. President Yeltsin has been working very hard in the past few days, and most of the documents that we spoke about have been signed. They will be made public today. The remaining documents will be finalised soon. I hope that you, Mr Seleznyov, will use your experience and standing to ensure that our relations with the new members of parliament are as good as the ones we had with the previous State Duma. That’s about all I wanted to discuss, aside from the Year 2000 computer problem (also known as the Y2K problem) and elections. All of you should continue working. I am not going to repeat this, or list everyone’s responsibilities, since we have discussed this before. Everyone in charge of the day-to-day work of the basic government systems – in the defence sector, power generation, information systems, transport (primarily aircraft), and space exploration must continue doing their jobs. All of you know your responsibilities and I ask you to remain vigilant, despite the festive mood. A lot might depend on how well you do your job over these next few days. | 22326 | The Kremlin, Moscow | Address at an expanded meeting of the Russian Security Council | [] | Good afternoon, distinguished colleagues. This will be a short meeting. I am asking you to continue working calmly and methodically, just as you were doing before. I would like to emphasise that there will be no changes in Russia’s foreign policy. The principles elaborated by the first president of Russia, the government and the Foreign Ministry will be respected. As before, Russia will try to develop relations with all countries on the basis of equality, mutual understanding, friendship and mutually beneficial cooperation. Russia will work for the development of a multi-polar world. We will continue developing the Armed Forces and will carry on with military reform, focusing on the improvement of weapons and the structure of the Armed Forces, as well as on social issues. In my opinion, that aspect has been neglected recently. No reform of the Armed Forces is complete if it does not address the social problems of the military. I want to tell the security-related services and departments that they should continue doing their job and carrying out their responsibility to ensure the operation of the top bodies of state authority and government. They have been doing well so far. Boris Yeltsin, who met with you in the morning, praised your work. I want you to maintain and even accelerate the pace you have gathered in the past few months. And lastly, this expanded meeting of the Security Council is being attended by the heads of all the main judicial agencies. I would like to welcome them on behalf of the Security Council and the Russian Government, and I hope that we will continue working jointly with the Constitutional Court to strengthen the Russian state, with the Supreme Court to strengthen law and order, and with the Arbitration Court to promote economic discipline. The acting prosecutor-general is also present here. Unfortunately, the post of prosecutor-general has not yet been filled, but the acting prosecutor-general seems to be doing a good job. Mr [Vladimir] Ustinov, I would like to ask the Prosecutor-General’s Office to strengthen control of all spheres of life in Russia, especially during the election period, so as to prevent problems and ensure that all candidates in the presidential campaign have the same opportunities. We should know – and it would be wrong not to mention this here – that blocs and parties will resume work to attain their political goals with renewed zeal. But these goals must be constitutional, and parties may only act within the framework of Russian legislation and the Constitution. Everything that is stipulated in the law, in the Constitution, must be strictly respected, especially civil and human rights. But we must not overlook the rights of state institutions and society as a whole either. Gennady Seleznyov [speaker of the Second State Duma] is also attending this meeting. We do not know what lies in store for the top leaders of the Third State Duma. We have said more than once that we have been doing a very good job and working constructively over the past few months. On behalf of all members of the Security Council, I want to express the hope that we will promote a constructive approach in our joint lawmaking efforts. We have quite a few problems and issues in that area. President Yeltsin has been working very hard in the past few days, and most of the documents that we spoke about have been signed. They will be made public today. The remaining documents will be finalised soon. I hope that you, Mr Seleznyov, will use your experience and standing to ensure that our relations with the new members of parliament are as good as the ones we had with the previous State Duma. That’s about all I wanted to discuss, aside from the Year 2000 computer problem (also known as the Y2K problem) and elections. All of you should continue working. I am not going to repeat this, or list everyone’s responsibilities, since we have discussed this before. Everyone in charge of the day-to-day work of the basic government systems – in the defence sector, power generation, information systems, transport (primarily aircraft), and space exploration must continue doing their jobs. All of you know your responsibilities and I ask you to remain vigilant, despite the festive mood. 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1999-12-31T00:03:00 | [] | Boris Yeltsin: Dear Russians, In a few hours we will see a magical date on our calendars, the year 2000, a new century, a new millennium. All of you tried to figure out, first as children and then as young people, how old you would be in the year 2000, and how old your mum and then your children would be. We thought that unique New Year was still very far in the future. But here it is. Dear friends, my dear friends. Today I am sending you my last New Year’s greetings. But that’s not all: this is the last time I am addressing you as president of Russia. I have taken a decision, one which I pondered long and painfully. I am resigning today, the last day of the departing century. I have heard people say more than once that Yeltsin would cling to power as long as possible, that he would never let go. That is a lie. I have always said that I would never violate the Constitution, that the parliamentary elections must be held in the timeframe stipulated by the Constitution, and this is exactly how we acted. I also wanted the presidential election to be held as planned, in June 2000. This is very important for Russia. We are creating a vital precedent of a civilized and voluntary transfer of presidential power to a newly elected president. And yet, I have taken a different decision: I am leaving before the end of my term. I saw that I had to do this. Russia should enter the new millennium with new politicians, new faces, new people who are intelligent, strong and energetic, while we, those who have been in power for many years, must leave. When I saw the hope with which the people voted for a new generation of politicians in the parliamentary elections, I knew that my life’s work was done. Russia will never retrace its steps; it will keep moving into the future. And I must not stand in the way of that logical progression. Why cling to power for six more months when the country has a strong leader who can be its president, a man on whom nearly all Russians are pinning their hopes for the future? Why stand in his way? Why wait another half year? That is not for me. Today, on this extremely important day for me, I want to say a few more personal words than I usually do. I want to ask your forgiveness – for the dreams that have not come true, and for the things that seemed easy but turned out to be so excruciatingly difficult. I am asking your forgiveness for failing to justify the hopes of those who believed me when I said that we would leap from the grey, stagnating totalitarian past into a bright, prosperous and civilized future. I believed in that dream, I believed that we would cover the distance in one leap. We didn’t. I was too naive in some things, and the problems turned out to be bigger than expected in other things. We ploughed ahead through mistakes and failures. Many people were traumatised by that time of upheavals. I want you to know – I have never said this before, and I want to say it now – that the pain of every one of you was my pain, the pain of my heart. I spent sleepless nights, agonised thinking about what could be done to make life easier, if only a bit, for the people. It was my highest goal. I am leaving now. I have done everything I could. I am not leaving for health reasons, but for a multitude of reasons. A new generation is taking my place, a generation of people who can do more and better. In accordance with the Constitution, I have signed a decree giving the powers of president of Russia to Prime Minister Vladimir Putin. He will be the head of state for three months, after which presidential elections will be held, also in accordance with the Constitution. I have always believed in the tremendous wisdom of the Russian people, and therefore I have no doubt about the choice you will make in late March 2000. We are parting now, and I want to wish happiness to every one of you. You deserve it; you deserve happiness and peace of mind. Happy New Year! Happy New Millennium! | 24080 | The Kremlin, Moscow | Statement by Boris Yeltsin | [] | [] | ||
2000-01-04T00:00:00 | [] | Question: Mr Putin, the sudden resignation of Mr Yeltsin has prompted many questions in this country and abroad. Perhaps we could try to answer at least some of them today. Vladimir Putin: Let’s try. Question: When did Boris Yeltsin first mention his resignation? Vladimir Putin: It was about ten days before the New Year. I came to him with a routine report on economic problems and on the situation in the North Caucasus; and when I started talking, I noticed that Mr Yeltsin was thinking about something else. I continued my report as planned. But he interrupted me and said: “You know, I have been thinking lately about the way the situation is shaping up in the country and I have decided to step down.” Question: What were his arguments? What made him think he had to do it? Vladimir Putin: It’s hard for me to say. You have to ask Mr Yeltsin about it. I can only repeat what he told me and what I replied. Perhaps he had some other reasons, but if so I don’t know. As you can guess, after the President’s surprise remark, my reaction was very guarded, and he sensed it. To be quite frank, I tried to sidestep the issue. I said that even if he was not working as actively as before, his presence on the country’s political scene meant a lot to me, to the Government and to the nation because it assured a certain balance. It is called the presidential factor, a man who commands authority in the world. You remember his speeches in Istanbul and Beijing; in fact it was openly admitted that on that occasion he threw his authority behind the Government and changed the whole picture. He made it more stable. I reminded him of that. I said it was an important factor that we needed. I thought we had dropped the subject. But after a pause Mr Yeltsin returned to the subject and said: “I need your answer now.” I said: “You know, Mr Yeltsin, it’s a very important question; I have to think about it.” He said: “You have had enough time to think already, answer now.” Question: And did you answer? Vladimir Putin: As you see, I did. Question: But did the President’s offer come as a big surprise to you? Vladimir Putin: Yes, it came as a surprise to me. Question: Do you think he consulted with anyone before making his decision? Vladimir Putin: He didn’t tell me and I didn’t ask him. It was a surprise decision for me. And I sincerely believed and I still think that we could continue to deal with some problems together using the Yeltsin factor because he was a man who had authority in the world. To use the current phrase, he is a political heavyweight. But he decided otherwise. I think much of the reason is that he wanted the presidential campaign to proceed the way he wanted and he was clearly laying the groundwork, helping me, so to speak. Let’s face it, he is giving me a head start in this presidential campaign. He is doing it deliberately, although he admitted that it might not be so good for me. Perhaps some people would bear me a grudge. He told me that. “And in general it is not very good for me to resign before my term expires. But I thought about it and I made this firm decision. I’ll do it no matter what.” And he did it. Question: Do you think Mr Yeltsin already had a plan for how it should take place or did he consult you? Vladimir Putin: No. He had no plan. He consulted with me. He asked me how I thought it should best be arranged. How to do it best? On what day? At what time? And of course, part of the reason is that we are a very large country. So time was a factor. I made very general suggestions. All the rest was his own plan, although he had these thoughts from the beginning. We discussed it in general terms, no more. Question: And who proposed the date of December 31? Vladimir Putin: I don’t know. He wanted it to be this year. The only other thing is that we met again, I think, on December 27 or 26. And the question arose of the trip to Bethlehem. I said that I thought Mr Yeltsin had to go himself. He hesitated. He said: “No, it wouldn’t be proper. It’s unclear in what capacity I would go there.” I asked him to do it. I said that in my opinion, it would be a very good sign for the country and for the world. You know, it’s like in a family. We should treat our parents the way we want our children to treat us. That’s popular wisdom. I think we should demonstrate a very kind and humane attitude to the President, the first Russian President. I thought it would be proper if he represented Russia during that trip. I asked him about it. And he agreed. Question: On December 31, the whole nation for the first time watched the ceremony of the transfer of presidential powers, and many were intrigued. Nobody could hear what Mr Yeltsin told you when you were parting, just before you got into your cars. But one could see that it was an emotionally important moment for both of you. If it is not a secret, what did he tell you? Vladimir Putin: It was generally a day charged with emotions, but Mr Yeltsin showed real courage. Frankly, I had not expected that he would be able to pull himself together so well. It was indeed a very trying moment for him. And for all of us too. After all, he had been at the pinnacle of power here in Moscow for ten years. Giving up power of his own accord was no ordinary decision. You know when a person simply retires… I remember my father retiring. He was a very ordinary man, he had worked as a foreman at a factory all his life. But for him retirement was a tragedy. He ended up working until he was 76. He could not bear to change his pace of life and to part with the people with whom he had worked. But imagine the way a person feels when he does not just retire, but parts with everything he has been connected with over the years. It was a hard day for him and for all of us. But he behaved in a very courageous manner. And the parting words – and at that point I nearly succumbed myself – that was on the porch when he came out, looked sadly at the windows and said he was sorry to part with all this because so much had connected him to these walls, these premises and these buildings and the people working there. And his parting words were – I don’t know, but I think it would be proper if I tell you now. There is nothing wrong about that. They were high-sounding words, but they were said in a very kind and human way. He said simply: “Take care of Russia.” Question: Mr Yeltsin will now choose some activity for himself. Perhaps a Fund of the First President will be set up or something like that, as is the custom in other countries. Did he tell you his plans? What is he going to do? Vladimir Putin: That’s another serious and delicate topic. He spoke about it with some sadness and even anxiety because I felt that he had no idea what a former President could do in Russia. He has no clear idea. I don’t know, perhaps he won’t like what I am saying, but he was at a loss and he was seeking my advice. He was thinking aloud. He said: “I know the time has come, but I don’t know what to do personally.” He is aware that it will be difficult and it will be a wrenching experience psychologically. I would very much like Mr Yeltsin to find an occupation worthy of the first President of Russia and to have an interesting and full life. I think perhaps some legal entity needs to be set up. A fund or some kind of institution, I don’t know. Some kind of social activity. I am sure that we will be able to use the authority of Boris Yeltsin in Russia’s interests for a long time. Question: On the evening of the same day, December 31, after the formal handover of power, you found yourself in Chechnya. And you were in Chechnya, together with your wife, and you even rang in the New Year there. How did it all come about? Was it done on impulse? Or did you have the trip planned in advance in your capacity as Prime Minister? Vladimir Putin: The trip had been planned in advance. The idea occurred to me about three weeks ahead of the New Year. I wanted to be where the destiny of Russia was to a large extent being decided. In the place where life is the hardest. These are not high-sounding words. I really wanted to be there. I thought it would be a symbolic step on my part. I wanted the people – the servicemen who are doing a tough job there and the local citizens of the Chechen Republic – to understand that the Government was standing by them, that it was our priority; and I wanted people to know that we would not withdraw, so that they should not be afraid that the bandits would return. All these factors played a part. I repeat, the decision was taken three weeks ago. But after Mr Yeltsin decided to resign and appointed me Acting President, the situation changed of course. I don’t mind telling you that people were trying to talk me out of it. They said that while previously it might have been all right and necessary, now I shouldn’t do it for a number of reasons. Partly for reasons of security, and not only my own personal safety. That’s one thing. And secondly, it shouldn’t be done, they said, because it would again prompt speculation that you regard the military operation in Chechnya as the top priority, whereas you should be thinking about the economy. Your political opponents would take advantage of it, I was told. And they gave many other arguments. And you know, I decided not to change anything because I am absolutely convinced that we won’t solve any problems – economic or social – while the state is in disarray. So, I think there is nothing strange about the fact that we still attach such importance to the fight against terrorism. We must complete the job. That is why I went there. As for the fact that my wife “tagged along”, pardon the expression, I couldn’t do anything about it. We had always ushered in the New Year together and we couldn’t break the tradition. She said she wanted to be with me over the New Year. That was all. I suggested that she might stay at the FSB sanatorium in Makhachkala, but she wouldn’t hear of it. Question: And you had to ring in the New Year on board a helicopter. Vladimir Putin: It just happened that way. We planned to attend a New Year party at a military unit in Gudermes. The weather was fine when we left the Makhachkala airport, but as we approached Gudermes, the weather turned nasty; and because of the bad weather and the thick fog the pilot decided to turn back, even though we urged him to try to land. I understand that he did try. We circled over the place. And then he said no, it’s impossible. And it is the commander who has the final say on board an aircraft. So we rang in the New Year on board the helicopter. Then we landed and got into our cars, and we dropped by the FSB sanatorium where soldiers fighting in Chechnya and mothers with their sons had gathered. We wished them a Happy New Year. We had some actors with us: Misha Boyarsky, Alexander Rozenbaum, Galkin and Yevdokimov. I would like the names of these actors to be known. They went simply because they wanted to lift the spirits of our guys fighting in Chechnya. They did not charge any fees, I have to stress. They performed their numbers. Then we drank a glass of champagne, got into our cars and headed for Chechnya. Question: Mr Yeltsin declared that you would be his successor some time ago. But it is not perhaps easy to settle into a new role. How do you feel in these new circumstances? Vladimir Putin: You know, there is so much work to do that little has changed emotionally. Having said that, I am not used to working in the kind of environment I have at the Kremlin. In St Pete you can only see such things in the Hermitage. The atmosphere here is palatial. You don’t find it at the White House either. I think this is right for a state. The splendour does not belong to the President or any particular individual. It belongs to the country, to the state. And it’s good that Russia has such a place. You see, this has never been my ambition. There are people called “professional politicians” who have been sitting here for decades, they have career growth in their blood. I never set myself such goals. It just happened that way. So, to me it came as something of a surprise, all that has been happening. I simply happened to be in the right place at the right time when problems arose and needed to be solved. I wasn’t thinking about how it would impact my career. I simply knew the problems had to be solved. I looked for the best ways to solve them. Sometimes it worked, in fact, it worked more often than not. During the conversation, when I told all this to Mr Yeltsin, he said something that I think makes a difference. He said: “You know, one of the reasons for my decision is something that I consider to be very important: people trust you.” And in my opinion that is more important than moving from one office to another. Or even from one building to another, no matter how beautiful. Even if it is the Kremlin. That is really the heart of the matter. Anchor: Thank you for your frank answers and I wish you success. Vladimir Putin: Thank you. Happy New Year! | 24377 | Moscow | Interview with the ORT TV Channel | [] | Let’s try. It was about ten days before the New Year. I came to him with a routine report on economic problems and on the situation in the North Caucasus; and when I started talking, I noticed that Mr Yeltsin was thinking about something else. I continued my report as planned. But he interrupted me and said: “You know, I have been thinking lately about the way the situation is shaping up in the country and I have decided to step down.” It’s hard for me to say. You have to ask Mr Yeltsin about it. I can only repeat what he told me and what I replied. Perhaps he had some other reasons, but if so I don’t know. As you can guess, after the President’s surprise remark, my reaction was very guarded, and he sensed it. To be quite frank, I tried to sidestep the issue. I said that even if he was not working as actively as before, his presence on the country’s political scene meant a lot to me, to the Government and to the nation because it assured a certain balance. It is called the presidential factor, a man who commands authority in the world. You remember his speeches in Istanbul and Beijing; in fact it was openly admitted that on that occasion he threw his authority behind the Government and changed the whole picture. He made it more stable. I reminded him of that. I said it was an important factor that we needed. I thought we had dropped the subject. But after a pause Mr Yeltsin returned to the subject and said: “I need your answer now.” I said: “You know, Mr Yeltsin, it’s a very important question; I have to think about it.” He said: “You have had enough time to think already, answer now.” As you see, I did. Yes, it came as a surprise to me. He didn’t tell me and I didn’t ask him. It was a surprise decision for me. And I sincerely believed and I still think that we could continue to deal with some problems together using the Yeltsin factor because he was a man who had authority in the world. To use the current phrase, he is a political heavyweight. But he decided otherwise. I think much of the reason is that he wanted the presidential campaign to proceed the way he wanted and he was clearly laying the groundwork, helping me, so to speak. Let’s face it, he is giving me a head start in this presidential campaign. He is doing it deliberately, although he admitted that it might not be so good for me. Perhaps some people would bear me a grudge. He told me that. “And in general it is not very good for me to resign before my term expires. But I thought about it and I made this firm decision. I’ll do it no matter what.” And he did it. No. He had no plan. He consulted with me. He asked me how I thought it should best be arranged. How to do it best? On what day? At what time? And of course, part of the reason is that we are a very large country. So time was a factor. I made very general suggestions. All the rest was his own plan, although he had these thoughts from the beginning. We discussed it in general terms, no more. I don’t know. He wanted it to be this year. The only other thing is that we met again, I think, on December 27 or 26. And the question arose of the trip to Bethlehem. I said that I thought Mr Yeltsin had to go himself. He hesitated. He said: “No, it wouldn’t be proper. It’s unclear in what capacity I would go there.” I asked him to do it. I said that in my opinion, it would be a very good sign for the country and for the world. You know, it’s like in a family. We should treat our parents the way we want our children to treat us. That’s popular wisdom. I think we should demonstrate a very kind and humane attitude to the President, the first Russian President. I thought it would be proper if he represented Russia during that trip. I asked him about it. And he agreed. It was generally a day charged with emotions, but Mr Yeltsin showed real courage. Frankly, I had not expected that he would be able to pull himself together so well. It was indeed a very trying moment for him. And for all of us too. After all, he had been at the pinnacle of power here in Moscow for ten years. Giving up power of his own accord was no ordinary decision. You know when a person simply retires… I remember my father retiring. He was a very ordinary man, he had worked as a foreman at a factory all his life. But for him retirement was a tragedy. He ended up working until he was 76. He could not bear to change his pace of life and to part with the people with whom he had worked. But imagine the way a person feels when he does not just retire, but parts with everything he has been connected with over the years. It was a hard day for him and for all of us. But he behaved in a very courageous manner. And the parting words – and at that point I nearly succumbed myself – that was on the porch when he came out, looked sadly at the windows and said he was sorry to part with all this because so much had connected him to these walls, these premises and these buildings and the people working there. And his parting words were – I don’t know, but I think it would be proper if I tell you now. There is nothing wrong about that. They were high-sounding words, but they were said in a very kind and human way. He said simply: “Take care of Russia.” That’s another serious and delicate topic. He spoke about it with some sadness and even anxiety because I felt that he had no idea what a former President could do in Russia. He has no clear idea. I don’t know, perhaps he won’t like what I am saying, but he was at a loss and he was seeking my advice. He was thinking aloud. He said: “I know the time has come, but I don’t know what to do personally.” He is aware that it will be difficult and it will be a wrenching experience psychologically. I would very much like Mr Yeltsin to find an occupation worthy of the first President of Russia and to have an interesting and full life. I think perhaps some legal entity needs to be set up. A fund or some kind of institution, I don’t know. Some kind of social activity. I am sure that we will be able to use the authority of Boris Yeltsin in Russia’s interests for a long time. The trip had been planned in advance. The idea occurred to me about three weeks ahead of the New Year. I wanted to be where the destiny of Russia was to a large extent being decided. In the place where life is the hardest. These are not high-sounding words. I really wanted to be there. I thought it would be a symbolic step on my part. I wanted the people – the servicemen who are doing a tough job there and the local citizens of the Chechen Republic – to understand that the Government was standing by them, that it was our priority; and I wanted people to know that we would not withdraw, so that they should not be afraid that the bandits would return. All these factors played a part. I repeat, the decision was taken three weeks ago. But after Mr Yeltsin decided to resign and appointed me Acting President, the situation changed of course. I don’t mind telling you that people were trying to talk me out of it. They said that while previously it might have been all right and necessary, now I shouldn’t do it for a number of reasons. Partly for reasons of security, and not only my own personal safety. That’s one thing. And secondly, it shouldn’t be done, they said, because it would again prompt speculation that you regard the military operation in Chechnya as the top priority, whereas you should be thinking about the economy. Your political opponents would take advantage of it, I was told. And they gave many other arguments. And you know, I decided not to change anything because I am absolutely convinced that we won’t solve any problems – economic or social – while the state is in disarray. So, I think there is nothing strange about the fact that we still attach such importance to the fight against terrorism. We must complete the job. That is why I went there. As for the fact that my wife “tagged along”, pardon the expression, I couldn’t do anything about it. We had always ushered in the New Year together and we couldn’t break the tradition. She said she wanted to be with me over the New Year. That was all. I suggested that she might stay at the FSB sanatorium in Makhachkala, but she wouldn’t hear of it. It just happened that way. We planned to attend a New Year party at a military unit in Gudermes. The weather was fine when we left the Makhachkala airport, but as we approached Gudermes, the weather turned nasty; and because of the bad weather and the thick fog the pilot decided to turn back, even though we urged him to try to land. I understand that he did try. We circled over the place. And then he said no, it’s impossible. And it is the commander who has the final say on board an aircraft. So we rang in the New Year on board the helicopter. Then we landed and got into our cars, and we dropped by the FSB sanatorium where soldiers fighting in Chechnya and mothers with their sons had gathered. We wished them a Happy New Year. We had some actors with us: Misha Boyarsky, Alexander Rozenbaum, Galkin and Yevdokimov. I would like the names of these actors to be known. They went simply because they wanted to lift the spirits of our guys fighting in Chechnya. They did not charge any fees, I have to stress. They performed their numbers. Then we drank a glass of champagne, got into our cars and headed for Chechnya. You know, there is so much work to do that little has changed emotionally. Having said that, I am not used to working in the kind of environment I have at the Kremlin. In St Pete you can only see such things in the Hermitage. The atmosphere here is palatial. You don’t find it at the White House either. I think this is right for a state. The splendour does not belong to the President or any particular individual. It belongs to the country, to the state. And it’s good that Russia has such a place. You see, this has never been my ambition. There are people called “professional politicians” who have been sitting here for decades, they have career growth in their blood. I never set myself such goals. It just happened that way. So, to me it came as something of a surprise, all that has been happening. I simply happened to be in the right place at the right time when problems arose and needed to be solved. I wasn’t thinking about how it would impact my career. I simply knew the problems had to be solved. I looked for the best ways to solve them. Sometimes it worked, in fact, it worked more often than not. During the conversation, when I told all this to Mr Yeltsin, he said something that I think makes a difference. He said: “You know, one of the reasons for my decision is something that I consider to be very important: people trust you.” And in my opinion that is more important than moving from one office to another. Or even from one building to another, no matter how beautiful. Even if it is the Kremlin. That is really the heart of the matter. Thank you. 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'Year', '.', ' ', 'that', 'be', 'all', '.', ' ', 'I', 'suggest', 'that', 'she', 'might', 'stay', 'at', 'the', 'FSB', 'sanatorium', 'in', 'Makhachkala', ',', 'but', 'she', 'would', 'not', 'hear', 'of', 'it', '.', ' ', 'it', 'just', 'happen', 'that', 'way', '.', ' ', 'we', 'plan', 'to', 'attend', 'a', 'New', 'Year', 'party', 'at', 'a', 'military', 'unit', 'in', 'Gudermes', '.', ' ', 'the', 'weather', 'be', 'fine', 'when', 'we', 'leave', 'the', 'Makhachkala', 'airport', ',', 'but', 'as', 'we', 'approach', 'Gudermes', ',', 'the', 'weather', 'turn', 'nasty', ';', 'and', 'because', 'of', 'the', 'bad', 'weather', 'and', 'the', 'thick', 'fog', 'the', 'pilot', 'decide', 'to', 'turn', 'back', ',', 'even', 'though', 'we', 'urge', 'he', 'to', 'try', 'to', 'land', '.', ' ', 'I', 'understand', 'that', 'he', 'do', 'try', '.', ' ', 'we', 'circle', 'over', 'the', 'place', '.', ' ', 'and', 'then', 'he', 'say', 'no', ',', 'it', '’', 'impossible', '.', ' ', 'and', 'it', 'be', 'the', 'commander', 'who', 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2000-01-11T00:00:00 | [] | Vladimir Putin: Dear friends, We are again gathered here today, this time on the occasion of the joyful celebration of Christ’s birth. We have celebrated it worthily, in the same way as we rang in the year 2000. Availing myself of this opportunity, I wish to do justice, on my own behalf and on behalf of those present here and all Russians, to the efforts of the Most Holy Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia, who has made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land and said a prayer for Russia and its great people. I would also like to remember today Russia’s first president, Boris Yeltsin, who together with the Patriarch, together with clergymen and together with the ordinary people of Russia celebrated this event in the Holy Land and used his presence there to call attention once again to Orthodoxy, to our country, to Russia. And, of course, I extend my deepest gratitude to all Orthodox clergy, who during these months and days have been together with their congregations and shouldered the difficult job of giving mercy and assistance to them in all villages, towns and cities of Russia. Russia is entering the new millennium as a spiritually revived state. But, when speaking of Russia’s revival, one should remember that it is not only the revival of Russia’s economic or industrial might, not only the modernisation of its army or economy and not even the modernisation of the country’s political system. First and foremost it concerns the revival of spirituality. This means uniting the nation in the name of the country’s dignity and prestige, uniting it on the basis of human and humanistic principles, whose historical and logical continuation is the primacy of rights and freedoms, above all human and civil rights. It is obvious that only moral people opt for moral authority, one that is fair, decent and responsible. The 1990s in Russia was a time when the state and church started establishing relations of an entirely new kind, based exclusively on respect and cooperation. The state and religious associations now successfully cooperate with each other. And no one today attempts to dispute the principles and traditions established in this country and based on the Constitution of Russia. Nor is there any interference by secular authorities in the internal affairs of religious confessions, or vice versa. It is these new standards of life, as well as the untiring efforts of the clergy, that have largely helped to keep civil and inter-faith peace in this country. I address my gratitude to you all – representatives of all faiths – I thank you very much and bow down to you. But we have no right to forget that the Christian commandments of kindness and mercy, the ideals of love and compassion for thy neighbour, permeate all of Russia’s culture, including the works of its greatest thinkers and writers. Other traditional religions, which have co-existed on Russian soil for centuries, teach the same. Millions of Russians practise different religions, but all of us share one future, one motherland and one country: Russia. This is our uniqueness, our wealth. Russia’s whole historical experience has proved that it is these values that are lasting. No one can ban or abolish them. No one will ever stop us from making full use of the ample possibilities offered by a multi-faith and multi-nation state. This is why we greatly appreciate the disinterested participation of the church in the affairs of charity and enlightenment and – what is particularly important for Russia today – in bringing peace. Dear friends, In conclusion, I would like to say that we have a lot of common work to do in the future, work that is mundane and secular, social and public. And I think it is our shared conviction that this work should be aimed at achieving very simple and understandable things. It should be directed towards ensuring a materially and spiritually fulfilling life for our fellow citizens, ensuring that society keeps its spirit of mutual assistance and love for thy neighbour. This is the true guarantee of our future, the future of this country and of each of its citizens. Season’s greetings to you all! Merry Christmas! | 24116 | State Kremlin Palace, Moscow | Speech at gala function marking the second millennium of Christ’s birth | [] | Dear friends, We are again gathered here today, this time on the occasion of the joyful celebration of Christ’s birth. We have celebrated it worthily, in the same way as we rang in the year 2000. Availing myself of this opportunity, I wish to do justice, on my own behalf and on behalf of those present here and all Russians, to the efforts of the Most Holy Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia, who has made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land and said a prayer for Russia and its great people. I would also like to remember today Russia’s first president, Boris Yeltsin, who together with the Patriarch, together with clergymen and together with the ordinary people of Russia celebrated this event in the Holy Land and used his presence there to call attention once again to Orthodoxy, to our country, to Russia. And, of course, I extend my deepest gratitude to all Orthodox clergy, who during these months and days have been together with their congregations and shouldered the difficult job of giving mercy and assistance to them in all villages, towns and cities of Russia. Russia is entering the new millennium as a spiritually revived state. But, when speaking of Russia’s revival, one should remember that it is not only the revival of Russia’s economic or industrial might, not only the modernisation of its army or economy and not even the modernisation of the country’s political system. First and foremost it concerns the revival of spirituality. This means uniting the nation in the name of the country’s dignity and prestige, uniting it on the basis of human and humanistic principles, whose historical and logical continuation is the primacy of rights and freedoms, above all human and civil rights. It is obvious that only moral people opt for moral authority, one that is fair, decent and responsible. The 1990s in Russia was a time when the state and church started establishing relations of an entirely new kind, based exclusively on respect and cooperation. The state and religious associations now successfully cooperate with each other. And no one today attempts to dispute the principles and traditions established in this country and based on the Constitution of Russia. Nor is there any interference by secular authorities in the internal affairs of religious confessions, or vice versa. It is these new standards of life, as well as the untiring efforts of the clergy, that have largely helped to keep civil and inter-faith peace in this country. I address my gratitude to you all – representatives of all faiths – I thank you very much and bow down to you. But we have no right to forget that the Christian commandments of kindness and mercy, the ideals of love and compassion for thy neighbour, permeate all of Russia’s culture, including the works of its greatest thinkers and writers. Other traditional religions, which have co-existed on Russian soil for centuries, teach the same. Millions of Russians practise different religions, but all of us share one future, one motherland and one country: Russia. This is our uniqueness, our wealth. Russia’s whole historical experience has proved that it is these values that are lasting. No one can ban or abolish them. No one will ever stop us from making full use of the ample possibilities offered by a multi-faith and multi-nation state. This is why we greatly appreciate the disinterested participation of the church in the affairs of charity and enlightenment and – what is particularly important for Russia today – in bringing peace. Dear friends, In conclusion, I would like to say that we have a lot of common work to do in the future, work that is mundane and secular, social and public. And I think it is our shared conviction that this work should be aimed at achieving very simple and understandable things. It should be directed towards ensuring a materially and spiritually fulfilling life for our fellow citizens, ensuring that society keeps its spirit of mutual assistance and love for thy neighbour. This is the true guarantee of our future, the future of this country and of each of its citizens. Season’s greetings to you all! 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2000-01-15T00:00:00 | [] | Sergei Dorenko: Mr. Putin, how do you like your new office, new chair, and your new position? Are they very different from what you had before? Vladimir Putin: No, they aren’t. The amount of work is about the same, but there is more responsibility, of course. But this has nothing to do with a chair or office. Sergei Dorenko: I would like to start with Russia’s biggest political problem, Chechnya, in order to understand what is going on there. We’ve had confusing reports since the New Year. One report says we have stopped and are not liberating Grozny, another is about an outbreak of fighting in Shali and Argun, and a third is about a truce. The situation is unclear. Where do we stand now? Vladimir Putin: I’m surprised that such questions arise. I thought everything was going according to plan. The plan has remained unchanged, and nothing unusual has happened to make us think about changing it. The only exception was a break in fighting during the holidays – Christmas and Muslim Uraza-Bairam. Our opponents asked us to suspend hostilities, and we agreed. We all know how they used the break – attacked two villages, Shali and Argun. I must say that our military handled this with high professionalism and resolve. In fact, the attacks were more of a propaganda operation, but they were dangerous. Sergei Dorenko: But what about our losses? Vladimir Putin: There were no losses among Defence Ministry forces, but the Interior Ministry had some casualties. I cannot say that the people in charge of the operation did everything right, as they should have done. In some cases the terrorists outwitted them. We have learned a lesson from our mistakes. But let me emphasize that the situation in Chechnya has not changed, and believe me, it is not going to change. Sergei Dorenko: I think the generals made some political blunders, for example, when they branded all Chechens aged between 10 and 60 as suspected of terrorism. Adopting such a tough position betrayed a weakness and a backlash. It looked as if we were too suspicious. Vladimir Putin: Let me tell you something. It has only occurred to me now because you are talking in terms of weakness and strength. It is not about weakness. What we have is democratic institutions and policies versus terror and crime. Our actions towards our adversaries comply with Russian laws, whereas they use terror against us. This is why it happens the way it does. If we could detain and arrest people not for two or three days as set out in the Russian Criminal Code, but for 10, 20, 30 or 60 days, many things would be different. This is the main reason, and it also explains why the statements made by our military are sometimes inaccurate. I am going to tell you something that I’ve never said before. In conformity with the law on terrorism, we have a presidential decree on establishing the Counter-terrorist Operational Headquarters. Sergei Dorenko: Here in Moscow? Vladimir Putin: Yes. The decree has put the Defence Minister in charge of it. Let me repeat that this decree, issued last year, is fully in line with the law on countering terrorism. All reports to the mass media at Defence Minister level can be treated as official information. Everything below this level is current operational information, and may or may not be accurate. Sergei Dorenko: Do you consider media coverage adequate? You see, people in Russia have taken a very favourable attitude to the operation, to those who are carrying it out, and to those who have made this political decision. But its coverage has been so confusing over the past month or fortnight that one gets the impression that something has gone wrong, not as it was planned. Some people do not explain anything, but suddenly declare that all locals aged from 10 to 60 are potential terrorists, and we become horrified of all Chechens except small children and the elderly. Suddenly there appear statements that the fighting has resumed. This is the coverage we are getting. The opinion has not yet changed for the worse, but there are many fears that something is amiss, and that we are probably not being told the truth. Do you think this is happening because the coverage is the responsibility of generals from the Interior and the Defence Ministry? Maybe, some other body should be set up for this purpose? Vladimir Putin: I’d like to comment briefly on the first part of your question. You said that people have taken a very favourable attitude to the operation in Chechnya. I don’t think this is the case. I believe people want order in Russia, including the North Caucasus. I am convinced that we are acting in the North Caucasus on behalf of the Russian people. They are sick and tired of our laxity and irresponsibility. As for the media coverage, I would agree with you that it is probably not up to the mark. I think this is partly because the federal forces have advanced practically through Chechnya’s entire territory, and have approached mountain areas, whereas the information support has been left behind on the liberated territory, as it were. Sergei Dorenko: Journalists are kept in Mozdok. Vladimir Putin: Yes. This is because the Counter-terrorist Operation Headquarters has not yet established an agency that would supply official information. Sergei Dorenko: The way, for example, NATO handled information when its troops invaded Kosovo. Information on what appeared, at least to us, an unfair and hard-to-justify war, was disseminated by the media every hour, and explained to the minutest detail. Vladimir Putin: NATO invaded a third country whereas we have been conducting an anti-terrorist operation on our own territory. Sergei Dorenko: It should be easier for us then. Vladimir Putin: In some ways, it is easier, in others it isn’t because our own citizens are at risk, and we must think about them. On the other hand, I think you will agree that reports on the operation in former Yugoslavia should not be taken at face value. Today we know the other side of this coverage, and it was not our invention. British MPs report that today’s exhumations show that civilians had not been shot by anyone. They were not killed by bullets but by bomb fragments. This is an about-face from what we saw when events were unfolding in Yugoslavia. It is possible to say that everything was done properly there – properly in the interests of those who conducted the operation there. Sergei Dorenko: That’s it. Vladimir Putin: Here I agree with you. Sergei Dorenko: Yes, winners are never blamed. Even if there is disappointment, it will come later on. Vladimir Putin: Sure. Sergei Dorenko: But still, what about the brass? As far as media coverage is concerned, it is a total mystery what responsibilities are assigned to particular generals. Troshev, for one, was in charge of the eastern direction. He has been replaced but still retained his former position. Who is doing what? Was Troshev punished? Or was it someone else? Who is in charge of what? Vladimir Putin: There should not be any concern about this. The generals have done nothing to deserve punishment. They have been awarded with the Hero of Russia titles, and they have earned them. Nobody has been replaced, not to mention demoted. Formal changes are made only in response to the changing situation. Troshev commanded in the east, and Shamanov was in charge in the west. Now that their troops have approached the mountains, in the south, the zone of direct hostilities and operations has narrowed down to two, three, or four points. Their deputies can well cope with the tasks involved. This does not mean that the zone of their responsibility has been reduced. To the contrary, it has been expanded. They continue to be in charge of what is happening in the south of the republic, and are responsible for their directions on the entire territory where they operated before. Nothing has changed in this sense. Let me repeat that the zone of their responsibility has been increased rather than reduced. Their deputies are in charge of combat operations that the armed forces are conducting in these narrow points. This was an absolutely natural decision that was agreed with them. It does not mean at all that they have been moved or removed. I’ve already said this, and will repeat it once again – these people deserve the deepest respect and have made a great contribution to the success of this counter-terrorist operation. Russia is not dumping generals like Vladimir Shamanov and Gennady Troshev. Sergei Dorenko: Here’s what I’d like to say. I know that you have avoided the question about the operation’s duration but the military have their own political resources. Getting reports about three casualties per day will not work in the long run. We have been saying that these are not big losses, but they mean tragedies for at least three families. If there are political resources, how long can this military mission continue? I believe that no matter how bloody it might be, it should be short. In our September 5 programme we talked about carpet bombings. They could resolve the problem in a fortnight. And now, months after this problem could have been resolved, and all villages occupied, we could debate whether this was good or bad, but, as we’ve already said, winners are never blamed. You are saying the problem is that they are using a human shield. As a result, we are accused of foul play. This is what the West is talking about, this is what the Western and even Russian media have been writing about. Those who are using this human shield are not accused of cruelty. So, if we are to play by these rules, we have two options – either start negotiations with them and avoid civilian deaths, or close our eyes and go for a quick carpet bombing. Vladimir Putin: We see the problem differently. I’ve already discussed it with you. We consider Chechen civilians our citizens and will never sacrifice them to any military objectives. We will never do that. As for the operation’s duration, it will be determined by military expediency. Our actions will be tough but not cruel. What does that mean? Let me remind you what has been happening until now. Say, our troops have approached a village. If people from certain buildings offer armed resistance – I emphasize the adjective “armed” – that threatens the lives of our troops, these buildings will be destroyed. But if there is no resistance, if civilians oust the terrorists from their villages risking their own lives, we will cooperate with them. We will not simply cooperate and welcome such actions by civilians – we will win them over to our side. Only by gaining broader local support will we achieve final success – not with carpet bombings. Sergei Dorenko: This is a long process. Vladimir Putin: Yes, it will take time and patience. But it is the only civilized solution to the problem. Any other solution will not merely be useless for achieving our objectives in Chechnya, but it will not be accepted by our own people. You see, it would be a heavy burden for Russia. If we win this way, it will be a heavy burden for the entire country. I don’t think we should try to achieve our goals by such means. Sergei Dorenko: I’d like to ask you this question. You’ve spoken about success. Success is a political solution. In other words, military success should be replaced with a political process. After all, civilian life in Chechnya will not be determined by military garrisons. Hence, talks will have to be held with men aged between 10 and 60. Not with women probably, but certainly with men, and some of them are on the battlefield now. Vladimir Putin: You are underestimating the role of women. It is true that during hostilities and by virtue of certain traditions, relations are taking a different shape there. But you shouldn’t underestimate women – they play an important role in Muslim countries as well. As for resolving major problems by political instruments, we first have to make sure that we have these instruments. This is very closely linked with what we’ve just discussed. If we decide to employ any means to reach our objectives, we will never create an environment for political settlement. There will be nobody to negotiate with, except for men aged 10–12, children. Neither women nor adult men will talk to us if we treat them with cruelty. Sergei Dorenko: But we could turn some other way. What I mean is that the process should have a goal. It should be like a flag on a hill that a skier can see from the valley. You move toward this flag even in a snowstorm when you can’t see the track. But in our case, we can’t see the flag. Vladimir Putin: We do. Let me show you. First, we will gain complete control of Grozny. Second, we will complete our operations in the mountains, no matter who might be hiding there in the caves. Sergei Dorenko: Will the elections come next? Vladimir Putin: This has nothing to do with the elections or any other political events in the country. If we tailor counter-terrorist operations involving loss of human lives to some political campaigns, we will lose both ways and make a mess. Sergei Dorenko: I’m sorry, I didn’t make myself clear. I meant the elections of the new Chechen president. Vladimir Putin: This is a separate subject. We must consult the Chechen population, and find out how they see their own future. This will be a political process, and it can move in many directions. The law offers us various solutions. Sergei Dorenko: What if they confirm Maskhadov’s authority? Vladimir Putin: I doubt it. You know, Maskhadov has turned into a complete puppet in terrorists’ hands. Where is he? He still wants to meet with us. OK, we are ready to meet with him on certain terms. Let him return the hostages and denounce the bandits, the terrorists that we already know. Is he doing any of that? He has been hiding in the mountains, rushing from one village to another, and leaking discrediting information about our servicemen. On the whole, we have the impression that he has stopped being an independent political figure, if he ever was one. If he acts on his own, he is welcome. But I think that his is a lost case, and not only as a negotiator for us – he hardly has any chance among the Chechens. Now people have realized what has been happening in the last few years. They have understood that they have been simply cheated. Look at what is happening there – abject poverty side by side with palaces. What money have they been built with? At whose expense? Sergei Dorenko: Is it a grotesque model of Russia? Vladimir Putin: Yes, it is grotesque, because the level of poverty has gone beyond any limits. At the same time, there are palaces that were built quite recently with money from who knows where. I mean we do know where it came from. Either from the use of resources, such as oil, which belong, by the way, to the Chechen people, not to one or two bandit ring leaders. Or this money could have been stolen from the federal budget – the money we transferred to Chechnya for pensions and social payments. Over the past three years nobody has received either pensions or wages there. Sergei Dorenko: In our discussion about Chechnya, we have come to the issue of corruption, stealing, violation of private property, and all the rest. You said earlier this week that you hoped there would be no smear war, no incriminating evidence during this presidential campaign in Russia. Do you mean that participants in the race can do whatever they want without fear of press scrutiny? Vladimir Putin: I’m very pleased to hear this question from you. I think that the election campaign without a smear war means that we shouldn’t juggle with facts. We shouldn’t fan up tensions in society. We must react to real violations of the law on a daily basis, not during the election campaign. Incidentally, this is a duty of law-enforcement agencies. This means that we should conduct this campaign in the spirit of the values we talked about at Christmas. Sergei Dorenko: I think “thou shalt not kill, thou shalt not steal” are some of these values. Vladimir Putin: There are many values there. Sergei Dorenko: But these two are definitely there. I think that the term “incriminating evidence” is rather vague and has a derogatory connotation. Maybe we should divide it into facts and fiction? No doubt, we should deal with the facts. Vladimir Putin: As I’ve already said, it is the law-enforcement agencies that should deal with the facts. Sergei Dorenko: The public should be involved as well. Vladimir Putin: This can and should be public knowledge, but should not be timed to election campaigns. Sergei Dorenko: There is a risk that someone who has concealed certain facts gets into a position where he will decide our destinies. If his ambition was to become a street cleaner, I probably wouldn’t worry about his values. But if he seeks an executive position, I’m much more concerned. I think that this super-elite unit, a super ministry that you, as they say, are creating out of the FSB and a number of Interior Ministry departments will deal with such facts, will verify them. Vladimir Putin: Mr Dorenko, “as they say” is all hearsay… This is absolutely untrue. We have no intention of creating any super-elite units. You are the first to tell me this. But if we want our bodies of authority to employ honest people that were not involved in any under-the-carpet deals, but will proceed from hearsay and tell our conclusions to a multi-million audience, we will be involved in a foul play. Before telling our potential voters and TV audiences anything, we must verify this information and only quote authentic facts. Sergei Dorenko: The best way to verify anything is to ask you. This is why I’ve addressed my question to you. Vladimir Putin: And I’ve replied to your question. This is not true. We are not planning to set up any super special service, and I don’t have any such plans on my agenda. Sergei Dorenko: Could you please say how much you influence the distribution of major seats in the State Duma? It is rumoured… let’s avoid this word – there is unofficial information that you have an agreement with (leader of Fatherland-All Russia party) Yevgeny Primakov that he will not take part in the presidential campaign, and in return, you will help him become Speaker of the State Duma, in particular, by using the potential of the parliamentary parties supporting you. Is this right? Vladimir Putin: No such agreement exists. I’ve never discussed it with Mr Primakov. We had met only once in the presence of other people. If you remember, we met when I invited the parliamentary parties’ leaders of the former Duma and the heads of the movements that had been elected to the State Duma of the third convocation. This was a general meeting. We had no special conversations about this, and no agreements. As for my influence… I have this influence primarily because of my consultations with the leaders of the parties that have been elected to the State Duma. But these consultations were very general, and I did not dictate anything to them because they are generally very independent and self-sufficient. Of course, we have our agreements sometimes. I’m not indifferent to what the future State Duma will be like. But it is important to make sure that it reflects reality, and is not the product of some covert agreements, even if they are made by esteemed people. The correlation of major seats in the future State Duma should reflect the real alignment of political forces and attitudes in society. Positions that influence lawmaking in the country should not be occupied as a result of behind-the-scenes intrigues. The existence of a parliamentary party means that a certain number of voters gave it their support. The party then has the right to be represented in the Duma accordingly, and influence the lawmaking in parliament, and hence, the nation’s life and future. Sergei Dorenko: You have struck up a friendship with Gennady Seleznyov. I mention this because you’ve backed him in the election of the Moscow Region’s governor. Vladimir Putin: This is a slight exaggeration. If you remember, it was after that meeting that I said the nation had moved from one campaign to another, whereas some people had not yet finished their own campaign in the Moscow Region. I said Mr Seleznyov was still taking part in this campaign, and wished him success on behalf of all parliamentary parties. I said this quite casually but my phrase was immediately picked up both by Seleznyov’s opponents and supporters. I should probably have been more cautious in making such remarks, but I hope Mr Seleznyov and I will work well together. I’ve said this before and I sincerely believe so. We had good working relations with the previous Duma. Sergei Dorenko: You know, everything you say can and almost certainly will be interpreted as something pronounced by Vladimir Putin on behalf of the whole Russian Empire, from the Grand Duchy of Finland to Alaska. The eagle has spoken, and now Seleznyov will become Speaker because that’s what Putin wants. This is how every word you utter is interpreted. And the proof is that you’ve worked wonders with the SPS (Union of Right Forces) and the Bear (Unity interregional movement), haven’t you? Vladimir Putin: I don’t know whether this is right or wrong but I say what I think, and what I say reflects reality. For instance, we’ve agreed with the Duma on key issues such as the budget and certain laws. We’ve managed to develop a good working relationship. This wasn’t easy. Sometimes we argued – members of the government would not leave the Duma until 5 a.m. But we’ve come to terms, and I think this is a very important signal for society in general, a signal to unite. We’ve shown that we can work together. Shouldn’t I talk about this? Why should I keep it secret? Sergei Dorenko: But aren’t you losing your prestige, the prestige of the eagle and of the banners behind you? You know, it’s like when you hit bull’s eye every time in a shooting gallery. Everyone calls you a magician. But a magician has no right to err. He isn’t a man in the street; he is a magician, maybe a future president. He is acting president now and he’s a faultless magician. Then, imagine, all of a sudden Seleznyov is not elected. On another occasion you say that Lyubov Sliska could become the first woman to be elected Speaker of the State Duma, and she is not elected either. You talk about Vladimir Yakovlev but tomorrow we find out he has done something that discredits him – St Petersburg is a big city and anything can happen. Somebody would say: “Akela, you have missed.” The choir will repeat: “Akela has missed.” Meanwhile, the elections are still far ahead, on March 26. Vladimir Putin: Well, this risk is always there, but one has to make some fundamental decisions. It is not worth saying what someone else wants to hear. I believe I should always say what I think and what has to be said. If I make one mistake after another, I’ll have to revise something. I’ll have to listen to my critics. Sergei Dorenko: Here is one question about the economy. I would like to ask if Mikhail Kasyanov will be our next prime minister? Is this a trial period for him? Vladimir Putin: First, under the Constitution this decision is made not only by the President, but also by the State Duma. Second, Kasyanov is not the worst candidate for the post. Third, since the Chairman of the Government must be endorsed by the Duma, this person should be a figure that suits many, but should also be capable of performing the difficult duties of the prime minister. Sergei Dorenko: Thank you for the interview. I hope you will remain as straightforward with the press as you are now. | 24123 | Interview with ORT Channel | [] | No, they aren’t. The amount of work is about the same, but there is more responsibility, of course. But this has nothing to do with a chair or office. I’m surprised that such questions arise. I thought everything was going according to plan. The plan has remained unchanged, and nothing unusual has happened to make us think about changing it. The only exception was a break in fighting during the holidays – Christmas and Muslim Uraza-Bairam. Our opponents asked us to suspend hostilities, and we agreed. We all know how they used the break – attacked two villages, Shali and Argun. I must say that our military handled this with high professionalism and resolve. In fact, the attacks were more of a propaganda operation, but they were dangerous. There were no losses among Defence Ministry forces, but the Interior Ministry had some casualties. I cannot say that the people in charge of the operation did everything right, as they should have done. In some cases the terrorists outwitted them. We have learned a lesson from our mistakes. But let me emphasize that the situation in Chechnya has not changed, and believe me, it is not going to change. Let me tell you something. It has only occurred to me now because you are talking in terms of weakness and strength. It is not about weakness. What we have is democratic institutions and policies versus terror and crime. Our actions towards our adversaries comply with Russian laws, whereas they use terror against us. This is why it happens the way it does. If we could detain and arrest people not for two or three days as set out in the Russian Criminal Code, but for 10, 20, 30 or 60 days, many things would be different. This is the main reason, and it also explains why the statements made by our military are sometimes inaccurate. I am going to tell you something that I’ve never said before. In conformity with the law on terrorism, we have a presidential decree on establishing the Counter-terrorist Operational Headquarters. Yes. The decree has put the Defence Minister in charge of it. Let me repeat that this decree, issued last year, is fully in line with the law on countering terrorism. All reports to the mass media at Defence Minister level can be treated as official information. Everything below this level is current operational information, and may or may not be accurate. I’d like to comment briefly on the first part of your question. You said that people have taken a very favourable attitude to the operation in Chechnya. I don’t think this is the case. I believe people want order in Russia, including the North Caucasus. I am convinced that we are acting in the North Caucasus on behalf of the Russian people. They are sick and tired of our laxity and irresponsibility. As for the media coverage, I would agree with you that it is probably not up to the mark. I think this is partly because the federal forces have advanced practically through Chechnya’s entire territory, and have approached mountain areas, whereas the information support has been left behind on the liberated territory, as it were. Yes. This is because the Counter-terrorist Operation Headquarters has not yet established an agency that would supply official information. NATO invaded a third country whereas we have been conducting an anti-terrorist operation on our own territory. In some ways, it is easier, in others it isn’t because our own citizens are at risk, and we must think about them. On the other hand, I think you will agree that reports on the operation in former Yugoslavia should not be taken at face value. Today we know the other side of this coverage, and it was not our invention. British MPs report that today’s exhumations show that civilians had not been shot by anyone. They were not killed by bullets but by bomb fragments. This is an about-face from what we saw when events were unfolding in Yugoslavia. It is possible to say that everything was done properly there – properly in the interests of those who conducted the operation there. Here I agree with you. Sure. There should not be any concern about this. The generals have done nothing to deserve punishment. They have been awarded with the Hero of Russia titles, and they have earned them. Nobody has been replaced, not to mention demoted. Formal changes are made only in response to the changing situation. Troshev commanded in the east, and Shamanov was in charge in the west. Now that their troops have approached the mountains, in the south, the zone of direct hostilities and operations has narrowed down to two, three, or four points. Their deputies can well cope with the tasks involved. This does not mean that the zone of their responsibility has been reduced. To the contrary, it has been expanded. They continue to be in charge of what is happening in the south of the republic, and are responsible for their directions on the entire territory where they operated before. Nothing has changed in this sense. Let me repeat that the zone of their responsibility has been increased rather than reduced. Their deputies are in charge of combat operations that the armed forces are conducting in these narrow points. This was an absolutely natural decision that was agreed with them. It does not mean at all that they have been moved or removed. I’ve already said this, and will repeat it once again – these people deserve the deepest respect and have made a great contribution to the success of this counter-terrorist operation. Russia is not dumping generals like Vladimir Shamanov and Gennady Troshev. We see the problem differently. I’ve already discussed it with you. We consider Chechen civilians our citizens and will never sacrifice them to any military objectives. We will never do that. As for the operation’s duration, it will be determined by military expediency. Our actions will be tough but not cruel. What does that mean? Let me remind you what has been happening until now. Say, our troops have approached a village. If people from certain buildings offer armed resistance – I emphasize the adjective “armed” – that threatens the lives of our troops, these buildings will be destroyed. But if there is no resistance, if civilians oust the terrorists from their villages risking their own lives, we will cooperate with them. We will not simply cooperate and welcome such actions by civilians – we will win them over to our side. Only by gaining broader local support will we achieve final success – not with carpet bombings. Yes, it will take time and patience. But it is the only civilized solution to the problem. Any other solution will not merely be useless for achieving our objectives in Chechnya, but it will not be accepted by our own people. You see, it would be a heavy burden for Russia. If we win this way, it will be a heavy burden for the entire country. I don’t think we should try to achieve our goals by such means. You are underestimating the role of women. It is true that during hostilities and by virtue of certain traditions, relations are taking a different shape there. But you shouldn’t underestimate women – they play an important role in Muslim countries as well. As for resolving major problems by political instruments, we first have to make sure that we have these instruments. This is very closely linked with what we’ve just discussed. If we decide to employ any means to reach our objectives, we will never create an environment for political settlement. There will be nobody to negotiate with, except for men aged 10–12, children. Neither women nor adult men will talk to us if we treat them with cruelty. We do. Let me show you. First, we will gain complete control of Grozny. Second, we will complete our operations in the mountains, no matter who might be hiding there in the caves. This has nothing to do with the elections or any other political events in the country. If we tailor counter-terrorist operations involving loss of human lives to some political campaigns, we will lose both ways and make a mess. This is a separate subject. We must consult the Chechen population, and find out how they see their own future. This will be a political process, and it can move in many directions. The law offers us various solutions. I doubt it. You know, Maskhadov has turned into a complete puppet in terrorists’ hands. Where is he? He still wants to meet with us. OK, we are ready to meet with him on certain terms. Let him return the hostages and denounce the bandits, the terrorists that we already know. Is he doing any of that? He has been hiding in the mountains, rushing from one village to another, and leaking discrediting information about our servicemen. On the whole, we have the impression that he has stopped being an independent political figure, if he ever was one. If he acts on his own, he is welcome. But I think that his is a lost case, and not only as a negotiator for us – he hardly has any chance among the Chechens. Now people have realized what has been happening in the last few years. They have understood that they have been simply cheated. Look at what is happening there – abject poverty side by side with palaces. What money have they been built with? At whose expense? Yes, it is grotesque, because the level of poverty has gone beyond any limits. At the same time, there are palaces that were built quite recently with money from who knows where. I mean we do know where it came from. Either from the use of resources, such as oil, which belong, by the way, to the Chechen people, not to one or two bandit ring leaders. Or this money could have been stolen from the federal budget – the money we transferred to Chechnya for pensions and social payments. Over the past three years nobody has received either pensions or wages there. I’m very pleased to hear this question from you. I think that the election campaign without a smear war means that we shouldn’t juggle with facts. We shouldn’t fan up tensions in society. We must react to real violations of the law on a daily basis, not during the election campaign. Incidentally, this is a duty of law-enforcement agencies. This means that we should conduct this campaign in the spirit of the values we talked about at Christmas. There are many values there. As I’ve already said, it is the law-enforcement agencies that should deal with the facts. This can and should be public knowledge, but should not be timed to election campaigns. Mr Dorenko, “as they say” is all hearsay… This is absolutely untrue. We have no intention of creating any super-elite units. You are the first to tell me this. But if we want our bodies of authority to employ honest people that were not involved in any under-the-carpet deals, but will proceed from hearsay and tell our conclusions to a multi-million audience, we will be involved in a foul play. Before telling our potential voters and TV audiences anything, we must verify this information and only quote authentic facts. And I’ve replied to your question. This is not true. We are not planning to set up any super special service, and I don’t have any such plans on my agenda. No such agreement exists. I’ve never discussed it with Mr Primakov. We had met only once in the presence of other people. If you remember, we met when I invited the parliamentary parties’ leaders of the former Duma and the heads of the movements that had been elected to the State Duma of the third convocation. This was a general meeting. We had no special conversations about this, and no agreements. As for my influence… I have this influence primarily because of my consultations with the leaders of the parties that have been elected to the State Duma. But these consultations were very general, and I did not dictate anything to them because they are generally very independent and self-sufficient. Of course, we have our agreements sometimes. I’m not indifferent to what the future State Duma will be like. But it is important to make sure that it reflects reality, and is not the product of some covert agreements, even if they are made by esteemed people. The correlation of major seats in the future State Duma should reflect the real alignment of political forces and attitudes in society. Positions that influence lawmaking in the country should not be occupied as a result of behind-the-scenes intrigues. The existence of a parliamentary party means that a certain number of voters gave it their support. The party then has the right to be represented in the Duma accordingly, and influence the lawmaking in parliament, and hence, the nation’s life and future. This is a slight exaggeration. If you remember, it was after that meeting that I said the nation had moved from one campaign to another, whereas some people had not yet finished their own campaign in the Moscow Region. I said Mr Seleznyov was still taking part in this campaign, and wished him success on behalf of all parliamentary parties. I said this quite casually but my phrase was immediately picked up both by Seleznyov’s opponents and supporters. I should probably have been more cautious in making such remarks, but I hope Mr Seleznyov and I will work well together. I’ve said this before and I sincerely believe so. We had good working relations with the previous Duma. I don’t know whether this is right or wrong but I say what I think, and what I say reflects reality. For instance, we’ve agreed with the Duma on key issues such as the budget and certain laws. We’ve managed to develop a good working relationship. This wasn’t easy. Sometimes we argued – members of the government would not leave the Duma until 5 a.m. But we’ve come to terms, and I think this is a very important signal for society in general, a signal to unite. We’ve shown that we can work together. Shouldn’t I talk about this? Why should I keep it secret? Well, this risk is always there, but one has to make some fundamental decisions. It is not worth saying what someone else wants to hear. I believe I should always say what I think and what has to be said. If I make one mistake after another, I’ll have to revise something. I’ll have to listen to my critics. First, under the Constitution this decision is made not only by the President, but also by the State Duma. Second, Kasyanov is not the worst candidate for the post. 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'we', 'be', 'ready', 'to', 'meet', 'with', 'he', 'on', 'certain', 'term', '.', ' ', 'let', 'he', 'return', 'the', 'hostage', 'and', 'denounce', 'the', 'bandit', ',', 'the', 'terrorist', 'that', 'we', 'already', 'know', '.', ' ', 'be', 'he', 'do', 'any', 'of', 'that', '?', 'he', 'have', 'be', 'hide', 'in', 'the', 'mountain', ',', 'rush', 'from', 'one', 'village', 'to', 'another', ',', 'and', 'leak', 'discrediting', 'information', 'about', 'our', 'serviceman', '.', ' ', 'on', 'the', 'whole', ',', 'we', 'have', 'the', 'impression', 'that', 'he', 'have', 'stop', 'be', 'an', 'independent', 'political', 'figure', ',', 'if', 'he', 'ever', 'be', 'one', '.', ' ', 'if', 'he', 'act', 'on', 'his', 'own', ',', 'he', 'be', 'welcome', '.', ' ', 'but', 'I', 'think', 'that', 'his', 'be', 'a', 'lost', 'case', ',', 'and', 'not', 'only', 'as', 'a', 'negotiator', 'for', 'we', '–', 'he', 'hardly', 'have', 'any', 'chance', 'among', 'the', 'Chechens', '.', ' ', 'now', 'people', 'have', 'realize', 'what', 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'have', 'be', 'elect', 'to', 'the', 'State', 'Duma', 'of', 'the', 'third', 'convocation', '.', ' ', 'this', 'be', 'a', 'general', 'meeting', '.', ' ', 'we', 'have', 'no', 'special', 'conversation', 'about', 'this', ',', 'and', 'no', 'agreement', '.', ' ', 'as', 'for', 'my', 'influence', '…', 'I', 'have', 'this', 'influence', 'primarily', 'because', 'of', 'my', 'consultation', 'with', 'the', 'leader', 'of', 'the', 'party', 'that', 'have', 'be', 'elect', 'to', 'the', 'State', 'Duma', '.', ' ', 'but', 'these', 'consultation', 'be', 'very', 'general', ',', 'and', 'I', 'do', 'not', 'dictate', 'anything', 'to', 'they', 'because', 'they', 'be', 'generally', 'very', 'independent', 'and', 'self', '-', 'sufficient', '.', ' ', 'of', 'course', ',', 'we', 'have', 'our', 'agreement', 'sometimes', '.', ' ', 'I', '’m', 'not', 'indifferent', 'to', 'what', 'the', 'future', 'State', 'Duma', 'will', 'be', 'like', '.', ' ', 'but', 'it', 'be', 'important', 'to', 'make', 'sure', 'that', 'it', 'reflect', 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'have', 'good', 'working', 'relation', 'with', 'the', 'previous', 'Duma', '.', ' ', 'I', 'do', 'not', 'know', 'whether', 'this', 'be', 'right', 'or', 'wrong', 'but', 'I', 'say', 'what', 'I', 'think', ',', 'and', 'what', 'I', 'say', 'reflect', 'reality', '.', ' ', 'for', 'instance', ',', 'we', '’ve', 'agree', 'with', 'the', 'Duma', 'on', 'key', 'issue', 'such', 'as', 'the', 'budget', 'and', 'certain', 'law', '.', ' ', 'we', '’ve', 'manage', 'to', 'develop', 'a', 'good', 'working', 'relationship', '.', ' ', 'this', 'be', 'not', 'easy', '.', ' ', 'sometimes', 'we', 'argue', '–', 'member', 'of', 'the', 'government', 'would', 'not', 'leave', 'the', 'Duma', 'until', '5', 'a.', 'm.', ' ', 'but', 'we', '’ve', 'come', 'to', 'term', ',', 'and', 'I', 'think', 'this', 'be', 'a', 'very', 'important', 'signal', 'for', 'society', 'in', 'general', ',', 'a', 'signal', 'to', 'unite', '.', ' ', 'we', '’ve', 'show', 'that', 'we', 'can', 'work', 'together', '.', ' ', 'should', 'not', 'I', 'talk', 'about', 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'Duma', ',', 'this', 'person', 'should', 'be', 'a', 'figure', 'that', 'suit', 'many', ',', 'but', 'should', 'also', 'be', 'capable', 'of', 'perform', 'the', 'difficult', 'duty', 'of', 'the', 'prime', 'minister', '.'] | ||
2000-01-18T00:00:00 | [] | Question: You have said you were not indifferent to who would be State Duma Speaker. Now, you are so late to meet us. Does it mean that you have been holding consultations? Vladimir Putin: It is certainly important who will be State Duma Speaker. I have talked just now to several bloc leaders, but the final choice will be up to State Duma members. They, and they alone, have the opportunity and the right of the final say. We hope the Speaker will be a person who will work well with executive authorities. Question: What is your position on corporate profits in foreign currency to be ceded to the state on a compulsory basis, and about the prospects of the State Duma approving the decision? Vladimir Putin: I worry whenever people say that something must be ceded to the state. I worry because the government will pursue moderate liberal policies. When we refer to state involvement in the economy, we mean that it is a state’s duty to create a positive investment climate in this country. This means the state must, and will, strengthen the institutions of state authority that establish and support market mechanisms: law and arbitration courts, and anti-monopoly tools. They must serve the community as a whole rather than particular individuals and groups. They really need strengthening, and the state will do it. As for compulsory exchange of foreign currency profits, this issue is not on the government’s agenda, although we are aware there is no country in the world that would tolerate its exporters operating in any currency but national. That is natural and understandable. We, however, must stay just where we are, which means that such decisions cannot be passed in one fell swoop. If we do consider them, we will not hurry, we will work calmly and with great care. But today the issue is not on the government agenda. Question: Some people think if you become president, you will establish a dictatorship in Russia. Could you comment on that, please? Vladimir Putin: First, I can say I am still far from becoming president – I am only acting president. We Russians have many sayings about such situations, all very apt, and much to the point. “Don’t say hop before you jump,” is one of them. Second, I suspect that the very people who have been warning about the onset of dictatorship in reality dream about it – but there is no way for them to make their dream come true in Russia as it is now. Too late! Question: What do you think about present-day Russian-Georgian relations? Will bilateral issues come up for discussion as CIS heads of state meet at the summit towards the end of January? Putin: Some say there is a cold spell in our relations. I don’t believe that. We are just working through routine issues. As for visa regulations and related questions, they are on the agenda. We expect the summit to strengthen contacts within the former Soviet area. The Georgian president and I have agreed to hold bilateral talks on the sidelines of the summit framework. I look forward to that meeting. Eduard Shevardnadze enjoys deserved respect in Russia. We hope our meeting will bring tangible results, and help to step up Russian-Georgian interstate contacts. I don’t quite see how two neighbouring countries can decide on their policies without consideration for the past, present and future. That is something to think about. I am sure the Georgian president and I will arrive at decisions that will be beneficial for both our countries. Thank you. | 24125 | Moscow | Conversation with the press during a break in the first plenary meeting of the Third State Duma | [] | It is certainly important who will be State Duma Speaker. I have talked just now to several bloc leaders, but the final choice will be up to State Duma members. They, and they alone, have the opportunity and the right of the final say. We hope the Speaker will be a person who will work well with executive authorities. I worry whenever people say that something must be ceded to the state. I worry because the government will pursue moderate liberal policies. When we refer to state involvement in the economy, we mean that it is a state’s duty to create a positive investment climate in this country. This means the state must, and will, strengthen the institutions of state authority that establish and support market mechanisms: law and arbitration courts, and anti-monopoly tools. They must serve the community as a whole rather than particular individuals and groups. They really need strengthening, and the state will do it. As for compulsory exchange of foreign currency profits, this issue is not on the government’s agenda, although we are aware there is no country in the world that would tolerate its exporters operating in any currency but national. That is natural and understandable. We, however, must stay just where we are, which means that such decisions cannot be passed in one fell swoop. If we do consider them, we will not hurry, we will work calmly and with great care. But today the issue is not on the government agenda. First, I can say I am still far from becoming president – I am only acting president. We Russians have many sayings about such situations, all very apt, and much to the point. “Don’t say hop before you jump,” is one of them. Second, I suspect that the very people who have been warning about the onset of dictatorship in reality dream about it – but there is no way for them to make their dream come true in Russia as it is now. Too late! Some say there is a cold spell in our relations. I don’t believe that. We are just working through routine issues. As for visa regulations and related questions, they are on the agenda. We expect the summit to strengthen contacts within the former Soviet area. The Georgian president and I have agreed to hold bilateral talks on the sidelines of the summit framework. I look forward to that meeting. Eduard Shevardnadze enjoys deserved respect in Russia. We hope our meeting will bring tangible results, and help to step up Russian-Georgian interstate contacts. I don’t quite see how two neighbouring countries can decide on their policies without consideration for the past, present and future. That is something to think about. I am sure the Georgian president and I will arrive at decisions that will be beneficial for both our countries. 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2000-01-18T00:00:00 | [] | Vladimir Putin: I am happy to see you in the congress hall of the State Duma. I would like to congratulate you once again on your victory in a tough, difficult campaign. The election of the State Duma, which has started working, is a positive sign and a firm step towards creating a democratic society in Russia. I sincerely and wholeheartedly congratulate you, myself and all Russians on this occasion. We are beginning a new parliamentary session today. It begins in a crucial year, the year 2000, and I hope that this State Duma will advance to a fundamentally new stage in the history of Russian parliament, marked by democratic principles, professionalism and political balance. You are not beginning from scratch, for there is a basis you can rely on. I am referring to the work of the two previous parliaments and Russian traditions rooted in the parliamentary experience of pre-revolutionary Russia. I have said before that the last six months of the past year can be viewed as an example of efficient interaction between the executive and legislative branches of power. That form of cooperation has yielded positive results for the country. The people were satisfied with it, and with our joint businesslike approach, as it showed that Russian authorities can be consolidated and united. Therefore, the new State Duma can expect to maintain constructive and open cooperation with the federal government. It is my duty as acting president to provide all-round assistance to your work, and I am prepared to do it. I want to say again that we have never divided the deputies’ corps into “them” and “us”. To be able to work well, we need to gain as broad a support in the State Duma as possible; this is not a political, but a purely pragmatic stance. Parliament is the frontline of lawmaking, where decisions of crucial importance for the country are formalised. Many of them are directly connected with a strategy of Russia’s long-term development, which is being formulated now. However, we will never attain practical results in any of our noble goals without lawmaking and legislative backing, without parliamentary support. So, although Yegor Ligachev [who opened the first meeting of the 3rd State Duma] said he was a young parliamentarian, I think he is inexperienced only with regard to procedure. In fact, the experience of the current chairman is enough, and I support his appeal to the deputies to join in the work to formulate an immediate development strategy for Russia, at least for the next ten years. The beginning of the work of the new parliament has coincided with the shortest presidential election campaign. Russia will have a new president by mid-April at the latest. All of us know how important these months will be for the authorities, and therefore our common goal is to ensure a smooth and uninterrupted work of the state mechanism. At the same time, we should begin a very ambitious project: to lay the foundations for a legislation of a new century, a politically streamlined, economically substantiated and legally precise legislation. I also hope that the lower house of parliament will not procrastinate at the organisational stage – I believe that a good beginning has been laid in this sphere – but will promptly discuss and pass priority federal laws. Despite the election campaign, the process of lawmaking must not be interrupted. So, I ask you not to linger when discussing bills. Eight of 15 federal constitutional laws have not been passed yet, and without them we will be unable to apply many of the basic clauses of the Constitution. The codes regulating crucial spheres of public relations – the land, labour, criminal and civil procedures codes – have not been passed either. A group of other enactments directly bearing on civil rights and freedoms, such as the law on alternative civilian service, should be passed without delay. I am asking you not to postpone discussions of social and economic projects submitted by the government, including the laws on investment funds, on the procedure for determining the size of social and other payments, and many other laws. Not only the previous State Duma is responsible for failure to pass these and other important laws. I must say – we have discussed the issue quite openly at a meeting with the leaders of this Duma’s parliamentary parties – that the government was very ineffective in exercising its legislative initiative during the term of the previous Duma. This has been demonstrated by the small number of bills submitted by the cabinet as compared with the total number of bills debated in parliament, as well as the choice of subjects for consideration and the quality of bills, which was often inadequate. This is why the president vetoed those bills. I know very well that the legislative process should not be overburdened. This is why it is so important to choose priorities and to jointly address the vital goals of the state and society. I believe that all of us, including the government and the State Duma, would equally benefit from coordinating their lawmaking plans and jointly choosing priority spheres of their lawmaking efforts. We should not squander our time, and we should also avoid all kinds of populist and high-sounding bills that are not backed by sufficient funds or mechanisms for implementing decisions. The abundance of such laws, which cannot be implemented today or tomorrow, does not benefit our legal system; it only complicates it and, in general, has a detrimental effect on society because it undermines the authority of the government and public trust in it. Many new politicians have come to the State Duma; they make up nearly two-thirds of the house. The number of independent deputies, many of them young people from the regions, has also increased. The public does not know them yet, and this is a very good sign for society, a sign of renewal. But this also means that new deputies will have to rapidly learn the very complicated and very important lawmaking profession. They will also have to tackle projects that had been started by deputies in the previous Duma. I hope they will quickly become involved in the lawmaking work and wish them success as well as fruitful cooperation with the deputies who have lawmaking experience. In conclusion, I would like to remind you that in March we will mark ten years of the new Russian parliament. We elected the Congress of People’s Deputies, the forerunner of the new Russia’s first parliament, in 1990. At that time, ideological differences divided deputies into two irreconcilable camps, which had dramatic consequences for the country. We must not forget that deputies represent the people, are elected by the people, and are responsible to them. The time has come to return to the beginning, which is aptly described by the phrase “people’s deputy.” Deputies in this audience represent different parties and movements, and each of them strongly believes that they know better what their country and people need. But you must admit that it is impossible to move ahead while relying only on one’s own views and beliefs. I believe that we will never succeed unless we work as a team, without fighting with each other, often over self-evident and trifling issues. Although some people may disagree, the new State Duma is a political cross section of society, an objective demonstration of social moods and priorities. This is an objective fact that cannot be cancelled by the numerous problems we encountered during the election campaign. We understand and accept public choice; the executive branch is prepared to fruitfully cooperate with the State Duma. Russia has entered a new stage in its development. We will have to accomplish many things together, and so the policy of infighting, the war of ambitions must stop. A policy of cooperation and mutual restraint is the only possible common path towards the interaction of the branches of state power in modern Russia. I congratulate you once again on beginning your work in the 3rd State Duma. I wish you lawmaking success to the benefit of the country, in the interests of all Russians. Congratulations, and thank you. | 24124 | Moscow | A speech at the first plenary meeting of the 3rd State Duma | [] | I am happy to see you in the congress hall of the State Duma. I would like to congratulate you once again on your victory in a tough, difficult campaign. The election of the State Duma, which has started working, is a positive sign and a firm step towards creating a democratic society in Russia. I sincerely and wholeheartedly congratulate you, myself and all Russians on this occasion. We are beginning a new parliamentary session today. It begins in a crucial year, the year 2000, and I hope that this State Duma will advance to a fundamentally new stage in the history of Russian parliament, marked by democratic principles, professionalism and political balance. You are not beginning from scratch, for there is a basis you can rely on. I am referring to the work of the two previous parliaments and Russian traditions rooted in the parliamentary experience of pre-revolutionary Russia. I have said before that the last six months of the past year can be viewed as an example of efficient interaction between the executive and legislative branches of power. That form of cooperation has yielded positive results for the country. The people were satisfied with it, and with our joint businesslike approach, as it showed that Russian authorities can be consolidated and united. Therefore, the new State Duma can expect to maintain constructive and open cooperation with the federal government. It is my duty as acting president to provide all-round assistance to your work, and I am prepared to do it. I want to say again that we have never divided the deputies’ corps into “them” and “us”. To be able to work well, we need to gain as broad a support in the State Duma as possible; this is not a political, but a purely pragmatic stance. Parliament is the frontline of lawmaking, where decisions of crucial importance for the country are formalised. Many of them are directly connected with a strategy of Russia’s long-term development, which is being formulated now. However, we will never attain practical results in any of our noble goals without lawmaking and legislative backing, without parliamentary support. So, although Yegor Ligachev [who opened the first meeting of the 3rd State Duma] said he was a young parliamentarian, I think he is inexperienced only with regard to procedure. In fact, the experience of the current chairman is enough, and I support his appeal to the deputies to join in the work to formulate an immediate development strategy for Russia, at least for the next ten years. The beginning of the work of the new parliament has coincided with the shortest presidential election campaign. Russia will have a new president by mid-April at the latest. All of us know how important these months will be for the authorities, and therefore our common goal is to ensure a smooth and uninterrupted work of the state mechanism. At the same time, we should begin a very ambitious project: to lay the foundations for a legislation of a new century, a politically streamlined, economically substantiated and legally precise legislation. I also hope that the lower house of parliament will not procrastinate at the organisational stage – I believe that a good beginning has been laid in this sphere – but will promptly discuss and pass priority federal laws. Despite the election campaign, the process of lawmaking must not be interrupted. So, I ask you not to linger when discussing bills. Eight of 15 federal constitutional laws have not been passed yet, and without them we will be unable to apply many of the basic clauses of the Constitution. The codes regulating crucial spheres of public relations – the land, labour, criminal and civil procedures codes – have not been passed either. A group of other enactments directly bearing on civil rights and freedoms, such as the law on alternative civilian service, should be passed without delay. I am asking you not to postpone discussions of social and economic projects submitted by the government, including the laws on investment funds, on the procedure for determining the size of social and other payments, and many other laws. Not only the previous State Duma is responsible for failure to pass these and other important laws. I must say – we have discussed the issue quite openly at a meeting with the leaders of this Duma’s parliamentary parties – that the government was very ineffective in exercising its legislative initiative during the term of the previous Duma. This has been demonstrated by the small number of bills submitted by the cabinet as compared with the total number of bills debated in parliament, as well as the choice of subjects for consideration and the quality of bills, which was often inadequate. This is why the president vetoed those bills. I know very well that the legislative process should not be overburdened. This is why it is so important to choose priorities and to jointly address the vital goals of the state and society. I believe that all of us, including the government and the State Duma, would equally benefit from coordinating their lawmaking plans and jointly choosing priority spheres of their lawmaking efforts. We should not squander our time, and we should also avoid all kinds of populist and high-sounding bills that are not backed by sufficient funds or mechanisms for implementing decisions. The abundance of such laws, which cannot be implemented today or tomorrow, does not benefit our legal system; it only complicates it and, in general, has a detrimental effect on society because it undermines the authority of the government and public trust in it. Many new politicians have come to the State Duma; they make up nearly two-thirds of the house. The number of independent deputies, many of them young people from the regions, has also increased. The public does not know them yet, and this is a very good sign for society, a sign of renewal. But this also means that new deputies will have to rapidly learn the very complicated and very important lawmaking profession. They will also have to tackle projects that had been started by deputies in the previous Duma. I hope they will quickly become involved in the lawmaking work and wish them success as well as fruitful cooperation with the deputies who have lawmaking experience. In conclusion, I would like to remind you that in March we will mark ten years of the new Russian parliament. We elected the Congress of People’s Deputies, the forerunner of the new Russia’s first parliament, in 1990. At that time, ideological differences divided deputies into two irreconcilable camps, which had dramatic consequences for the country. We must not forget that deputies represent the people, are elected by the people, and are responsible to them. The time has come to return to the beginning, which is aptly described by the phrase “people’s deputy.” Deputies in this audience represent different parties and movements, and each of them strongly believes that they know better what their country and people need. But you must admit that it is impossible to move ahead while relying only on one’s own views and beliefs. I believe that we will never succeed unless we work as a team, without fighting with each other, often over self-evident and trifling issues. Although some people may disagree, the new State Duma is a political cross section of society, an objective demonstration of social moods and priorities. This is an objective fact that cannot be cancelled by the numerous problems we encountered during the election campaign. We understand and accept public choice; the executive branch is prepared to fruitfully cooperate with the State Duma. Russia has entered a new stage in its development. We will have to accomplish many things together, and so the policy of infighting, the war of ambitions must stop. A policy of cooperation and mutual restraint is the only possible common path towards the interaction of the branches of state power in modern Russia. I congratulate you once again on beginning your work in the 3rd State Duma. I wish you lawmaking success to the benefit of the country, in the interests of all Russians. 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'ineffective', 'in', 'exercise', 'its', 'legislative', 'initiative', 'during', 'the', 'term', 'of', 'the', 'previous', 'Duma', '.', ' ', 'this', 'have', 'be', 'demonstrate', 'by', 'the', 'small', 'number', 'of', 'bill', 'submit', 'by', 'the', 'cabinet', 'as', 'compare', 'with', 'the', 'total', 'number', 'of', 'bill', 'debate', 'in', 'parliament', ',', 'as', 'well', 'as', 'the', 'choice', 'of', 'subject', 'for', 'consideration', 'and', 'the', 'quality', 'of', 'bill', ',', 'which', 'be', 'often', 'inadequate', '.', ' ', 'this', 'be', 'why', 'the', 'president', 'veto', 'those', 'bill', '.', ' ', 'I', 'know', 'very', 'well', 'that', 'the', 'legislative', 'process', 'should', 'not', 'be', 'overburden', '.', ' ', 'this', 'be', 'why', 'it', 'be', 'so', 'important', 'to', 'choose', 'priority', 'and', 'to', 'jointly', 'address', 'the', 'vital', 'goal', 'of', 'the', 'state', 'and', 'society', '.', ' ', 'I', 'believe', 'that', 'all', 'of', 'we', ',', 'include', 'the', 'government', 'and', 'the', 'State', 'Duma', ',', 'would', 'equally', 'benefit', 'from', 'coordinate', 'their', 'lawmaking', 'plan', 'and', 'jointly', 'choose', 'priority', 'sphere', 'of', 'their', 'lawmaking', 'effort', '.', ' ', 'we', 'should', 'not', 'squander', 'our', 'time', ',', 'and', 'we', 'should', 'also', 'avoid', 'all', 'kind', 'of', 'populist', 'and', 'high', '-', 'sound', 'bill', 'that', 'be', 'not', 'back', 'by', 'sufficient', 'fund', 'or', 'mechanism', 'for', 'implement', 'decision', '.', ' ', 'the', 'abundance', 'of', 'such', 'law', ',', 'which', 'can', 'not', 'be', 'implement', 'today', 'or', 'tomorrow', ',', 'do', 'not', 'benefit', 'our', 'legal', 'system', ';', 'it', 'only', 'complicate', 'it', 'and', ',', 'in', 'general', ',', 'have', 'a', 'detrimental', 'effect', 'on', 'society', 'because', 'it', 'undermine', 'the', 'authority', 'of', 'the', 'government', 'and', 'public', 'trust', 'in', 'it', '.', ' ', 'many', 'new', 'politician', 'have', 'come', 'to', 'the', 'State', 'Duma', ';', 'they', 'make', 'up', 'nearly', 'two', '-', 'third', 'of', 'the', 'house', '.', ' ', 'the', 'number', 'of', 'independent', 'deputy', ',', 'many', 'of', 'they', 'young', 'people', 'from', 'the', 'region', ',', 'have', 'also', 'increase', '.', ' ', 'the', 'public', 'do', 'not', 'know', 'they', 'yet', ',', 'and', 'this', 'be', 'a', 'very', 'good', 'sign', 'for', 'society', ',', 'a', 'sign', 'of', 'renewal', '.', ' ', 'but', 'this', 'also', 'mean', 'that', 'new', 'deputy', 'will', 'have', 'to', 'rapidly', 'learn', 'the', 'very', 'complicated', 'and', 'very', 'important', 'lawmaking', 'profession', '.', ' ', 'they', 'will', 'also', 'have', 'to', 'tackle', 'project', 'that', 'have', 'be', 'start', 'by', 'deputy', 'in', 'the', 'previous', 'Duma', '.', ' ', 'I', 'hope', 'they', 'will', 'quickly', 'become', 'involved', 'in', 'the', 'lawmaking', 'work', 'and', 'wish', 'they', 'success', 'as', 'well', 'as', 'fruitful', 'cooperation', 'with', 'the', 'deputy', 'who', 'have', 'lawmaking', 'experience', '.', ' ', 'in', 'conclusion', ',', 'I', 'would', 'like', 'to', 'remind', 'you', 'that', 'in', 'March', 'we', 'will', 'mark', 'ten', 'year', 'of', 'the', 'new', 'russian', 'parliament', '.', ' ', 'we', 'elect', 'the', 'Congress', 'of', 'People', '’s', 'deputy', ',', 'the', 'forerunner', 'of', 'the', 'new', 'Russia', '’s', 'first', 'parliament', ',', 'in', '1990', '.', ' ', 'at', 'that', 'time', ',', 'ideological', 'difference', 'divide', 'deputy', 'into', 'two', 'irreconcilable', 'camp', ',', 'which', 'have', 'dramatic', 'consequence', 'for', 'the', 'country', '.', ' ', 'we', 'must', 'not', 'forget', 'that', 'deputy', 'represent', 'the', 'people', ',', 'be', 'elect', 'by', 'the', 'people', ',', 'and', 'be', 'responsible', 'to', 'they', '.', ' ', 'the', 'time', 'have', 'come', 'to', 'return', 'to', 'the', 'beginning', ',', 'which', 'be', 'aptly', 'describe', 'by', 'the', 'phrase', '"', 'people', '’s', 'deputy', '.', '"', 'deputy', 'in', 'this', 'audience', 'represent', 'different', 'party', 'and', 'movement', ',', 'and', 'each', 'of', 'they', 'strongly', 'believe', 'that', 'they', 'know', 'well', 'what', 'their', 'country', 'and', 'people', 'need', '.', ' ', 'but', 'you', 'must', 'admit', 'that', 'it', 'be', 'impossible', 'to', 'move', 'ahead', 'while', 'rely', 'only', 'on', 'one', '’s', 'own', 'view', 'and', 'belief', '.', ' ', 'I', 'believe', 'that', 'we', 'will', 'never', 'succeed', 'unless', 'we', 'work', 'as', 'a', 'team', ',', 'without', 'fight', 'with', 'each', 'other', ',', 'often', 'over', 'self', '-', 'evident', 'and', 'trifling', 'issue', '.', ' ', 'although', 'some', 'people', 'may', 'disagree', ',', 'the', 'new', 'State', 'Duma', 'be', 'a', 'political', 'cross', 'section', 'of', 'society', ',', 'an', 'objective', 'demonstration', 'of', 'social', 'mood', 'and', 'priority', '.', ' ', 'this', 'be', 'an', 'objective', 'fact', 'that', 'can', 'not', 'be', 'cancel', 'by', 'the', 'numerous', 'problem', 'we', 'encounter', 'during', 'the', 'election', 'campaign', '.', ' ', 'we', 'understand', 'and', 'accept', 'public', 'choice', ';', 'the', 'executive', 'branch', 'be', 'prepared', 'to', 'fruitfully', 'cooperate', 'with', 'the', 'State', 'Duma', '.', ' ', 'Russia', 'have', 'enter', 'a', 'new', 'stage', 'in', 'its', 'development', '.', ' ', 'we', 'will', 'have', 'to', 'accomplish', 'many', 'thing', 'together', ',', 'and', 'so', 'the', 'policy', 'of', 'infighting', ',', 'the', 'war', 'of', 'ambition', 'must', 'stop', '.', ' ', 'a', 'policy', 'of', 'cooperation', 'and', 'mutual', 'restraint', 'be', 'the', 'only', 'possible', 'common', 'path', 'towards', 'the', 'interaction', 'of', 'the', 'branch', 'of', 'state', 'power', 'in', 'modern', 'Russia', '.', ' ', 'I', 'congratulate', 'you', 'once', 'again', 'on', 'begin', 'your', 'work', 'in', 'the', '3rd', 'State', 'Duma', '.', ' ', 'I', 'wish', 'you', 'lawmake', 'success', 'to', 'the', 'benefit', 'of', 'the', 'country', ',', 'in', 'the', 'interest', 'of', 'all', 'Russians', '.', ' ', 'congratulation', ',', 'and', 'thank', 'you', '.'] | |
2000-01-21T00:00:00 | [] | "Vladimir Putin: Distinguished colleagues, We last gathered together for a meeting of the Interior (...TRUNCATED) | 21505 | Moscow | Opening remarks at a meeting of the Russian Interior Ministry’s Board | [] | "Distinguished colleagues, We last gathered together for a meeting of the Interior Ministry’s Boar(...TRUNCATED) | "['distinguished', 'colleague', ',', 'we', 'last', 'gather', 'together', 'for', 'a', 'meeting', 'of'(...TRUNCATED) | |
2000-01-23T00:00:00 | [] | "Nikolai Svanidze: The most burning topic today is the situation in the State Duma. We have already (...TRUNCATED) | 24126 | Interview with the RTR TV Channel | [] | "I see. First of all, I do not think that this is a crisis, because there is a large enough number o(...TRUNCATED) | "['I', 'see', '.', ' ', 'first', 'of', 'all', ',', 'I', 'do', 'not', 'think', 'that', 'this', 'be', (...TRUNCATED) |
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